A sense of déjà vu. The resignation of Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu on Monday, October 6, once again plunged France into a period of political uncertainty. A series of unprecedented questions about how the country can continue to function arises, ahead of a contentious and crucial budget debate.
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When a prime minister resigns, it is customary for the government to ensure continuity by handling day-to-day affairs until a new cabinet is appointed. This was the role carried out by the outgoing ministers from François Bayrou's government since September 9.
Even though they had only been in office for 836 minutes and did not have time to carry out the handover with their predecessors, it is the 18 ministers appointed on the evening of October 5 who, along with Lecornu, must now handle this interim period. "The decree of appointment for the ministers has been published, the president has accepted the resignation, so this is now a caretaker government," explained Paul Cassia, professor of public law at Université Paris-I-Panthéon-Sorbonne.
Legally, this situation is identical to what followed Bayrou's resignation. The caretaker ministers may only carry out politically neutral administrative acts, such as approving applications from non-profit organizations. They are not authorized to create new rights or obligations for the public, make significant appointments, or enact reforms. However, they retain the ability to make urgent decisions in response to a terrorist attack or a public health crisis, for instance. A caretaker government cannot be brought down by the Assemblée Nationale, as its resignation has already taken effect.
Once again, it falls on President Emmanuel Macron to choose the next prime minister. There is no deadline imposed on him. In theory, he can select anyone, including reappointing Lecornu.
He needs to find someone who can build consensus, to avoid another swift resignation or a rapid no-confidence vote in the Assemblée Nationale.
It appears unlikely that Macron will pick another prime minister from the centrist bloc, given the failures of both Bayrou and Lecornu. Furthermore, tensions between Macron's supporters and the right make it uncertain whether he would choose a prime minister from the ranks of the conservative Les Républicains (LR), who have been in government with Macron's coalition since September 2024.
The president may also turn to the left or to the far-right Rassemblement National (RN) in an effort to form a government, though both are also minorities in the Assemblée Nationale and would have to negotiate alliances or non-aggression pacts with other political forces to avoid being brought down. The ban on standing for election handed down to far-right leader Marine Le Pen at the end of March as part of her sentence for embezzlement of public funds does not prevent her from being appointed as prime minister.
To overcome political divisions, Macron could also call on a non-partisan figure to form a "technical" government to handle urgent matters while a longer-term solution is sought.
If deadlocks persist in a Parliament divided into three major blocs with no clear majority, one solution could be to dissolve the Assemblée Nationale and send voters back to the polls.
Legally, this is possible since the minimum period required by the Constitution for using this "presidential weapon" has been met: The last legislative elections took place more than a year ago, in June and July 2024.
The obstacle is more of a political one: Macron's chances of winning a majority in new elections seem slim, while the prospect of a victory by the RN is very real.
Several political leaders have called on the president to resign to break the deadlock and trigger an early presidential election. These include MPs from the radical left La France Insoumise, the far-right RN, and even some conservatives. However, Macron has consistently maintained that he will serve out his term until 2027.
LFI has been attempting to force his departure for more than a year: After a first failed attempt in 2024, its MPs submitted another motion to remove him from office on September 9. However, the process is long and complex, and its success remains unlikely.
The procedure is defined by Article 68 of the Constitution, which says that the president can only be removed in cases of "a dereliction of duties clearly incompatible with the exercise of the mandate." That may concern the president's political or even private behavior, provided the acts have undermined the dignity of the office.
In practice, the process begins with a detailed resolution submitted by at least 58 members of the Assemblée or 35 senators. Once deemed admissible by the Laws Committee, the proposal must be adopted by a two-thirds majority in both the Assemblée Nationale and the Sénat. If both chambers agree, Parliament, meeting as the High Court, must then decide within a month, again by a two-thirds majority, whether to remove the president. If the vote passes, the removal takes effect immediately.
The 2026 budget must be passed by December 31. Lecornu was due to present his draft budget bill to his cabinet on Monday and then to the Assemblée Nationale on Tuesday. His resignation renders the bill void, as caretaker governments are not allowed to present politically significant legislation, such as a budget.
It will therefore fall to the next government to submit a new draft budget to Parliament. To meet the legal deadlines for consideration by Parliament and the Constitutional Council, the text should be submitted by Monday, October 13, outgoing public accounts minister Amélie de Montchalin had warned. "But that deadline cannot be met," noted Cassia, the law professor. Even if a new prime minister is appointed quickly, it will take several days, or even weeks, to rework the budget proposal.
The law on budget bills nevertheless provides solutions for such a situation. The outgoing Lecornu government or the new government could propose that MPs vote separately on the "revenue" section of the budget bill, which would allow the state to collect taxes and have the financial means to operate.
Another solution is to submit a "special law" to the Assemblée Nationale, temporarily extending the previous year's budget until the 2026 budget is passed – as was done for the 2025 budget. This law would authorize the state to continue collecting existing taxes and, by decree, to use the spending necessary to keep public services running.
In mid-September, Lecornu ended the lifelong benefits previously enjoyed by former prime ministers. One of the last remaining provisions is an allowance paid to ministers for the three months following the end of their term.
Legally speaking, all members of the government appointed on Sunday could theoretically qualify for the allowance, according to Matthieu Caron, senior lecturer in public law and director general of the French Public Ethics Observatory. However, the legislation requires that ministers must have left any other employment or elected office before the end of their government service. Since the newly appointed ministers almost certainly did not have time to do this, they will not be eligible.
Furthermore, "for reputational and obviously ethical reasons, I do not see any newly appointed member as of yesterday risking requesting this allowance," which must be formally applied for, Caron explained. By contrast, the 12 ministers from Bayrou's government who were reappointed by Lecornu (such as Bruno Retailleau at the Interior Ministry, Gérald Darmanin at the Justice Ministry or Rachida Dati at the Culture Ministry) will legitimately be able to claim it.
Translation of an original article published in French on lemonde.fr; the publisher may only be liable for the French version.