Volodymyr Zelensky has been holding the Russian army and Vladimir Putin at bay for over two and a half years, but the dangers of American politics in a merciless electoral battle are proving just as perilous. On the Ukrainian president's visit to Washington on Thursday, September 26, in an attempt to secure greater US involvement at a particularly difficult time in Kyiv's war, he could not avoid finding himself at the center of a spat between Democrats and Republicans − and even among Republicans − over the war in Ukraine.
This complicates Zelensky's task. After talking at the United Nations General Assembly, he had come to present his "victory plan" first to President Joe Biden, who received him at the White House, and then to the two candidates in the November 5 presidential election, Kamala Harris and Donald Trump.
Harris assured Ukraine of her "unwavering" support, and used the meeting to attack the ideas of negotiated peace put forward by Donald Trump's running mate, JD Vance, which she described as a "surrender" proposal. Trump was due to receive Volodymyr Zelensky on Friday, after having criticized him extensively in public.
The stakes involved in the Ukrainian president's mission to Washington go far beyond the American election campaign. Ukraine is going through a critical phase in its war with Russia. Its troops are exhausted, its human losses are bleeding the country dry, the destruction of its energy infrastructure is making daily life increasingly harsh, and the aid of its Western allies, while crucial, is not massive enough to enable Kyiv to gain the upper hand and push Moscow to sit down at the negotiating table. Zelensky secured the release of nearly $8 billion in military aid from Biden, which will be very useful, but not a game-changer.
Only way to dissuade Putin
Zelensky, who has not publicly revealed the content of his "victory plan," has two priorities: to get Biden to give the go-ahead for the use of Western long-range weapons to strike deep into Russian territory, which, in Ukrainian calculations, would likely alter the course of the war; and to obtain from the American president, before he leaves the White House in January, a formal invitation to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
This second point is crucial. Ukrainian leaders are aware of the weariness of several Western governments, convinced of the merits of helping Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression but hesitant about the means to be employed and the cost of their support. President Putin's statements on Wednesday about revising Russia's nuclear doctrine are designed to prolong their indecision.
But if the Ukrainians want to put an end to this war, they cannot consider concessions without the assurance that their security will be guaranteed beyond a potential peace agreement. Europeans and Americans alike know that the only real guarantee of security is provided by Article 5 of the NATO Charter, which guarantees collective defense in the event of aggression by one of its members.
Biden has so far resisted taking the step, encouraged by members of his team. Some countries, including Germany, are opposed. The process will be complicated, but it is the only way to discourage Vladimir Putin from pursuing his European offensive.