Eight weeks after the snap elections triggered by the dissolution of the Assemblée Nationale, France finds itself in an unprecedented and dangerous political situation. Neither Macron's prolonged decision-making process during the Olympic Games to appoint a new prime minister nor the political consultations he belatedly launched at the end of last week have helped to resolve the confusion. As the new school year begins, and just a few weeks before the presentation of the draft budget for 2025, the country is once again threatened with deadlock due to the president's stubborn determination to keep the lead for as long as possible, taking advantage of the relative weakness of those attempting to challenge him.
A press release from the Elysée on Monday, August 26, confirmed Macron's decision not to appoint the left-wing Nouveau Front Populaire (NFP) alliance's candidate as prime minister. This decision spurned the left, which was relying on its first-place finish in the elections to assert its right to govern. The reaction from all parts of the left was strong and leveled with the offense in question. The president's justification for this decision is that the other political groups consulted would have quickly overthrown the new government.
The hypothesis is plausible, given the degree of animosity aroused by the radical-left La France Insoumise party, which is still the dominant faction of the NFP in the Assemblée Nationale; but also the opposition sparked by several measures of its policy platform. However, in the absence of any other obvious possibility, it would have been in the interest of democracy for the president to allow the experiment to unfold instead of trying to assert control at all costs in the hope of preserving his policy for as long as possible, even after it has been outvoted. It is harmful to drag out an outgoing government, which acts as if no change had taken place at the ballot box.
Lost bet
Macron's inability to clearly acknowledge the consequences of his defeat after the legislative elections, for which he alone is responsible, is the key factor in the current stalemate. By unilaterally deciding on June 9 to hold these risky elections, at a time when the country was divided and his policy was criticized; the head of state not only weakened his camp, but also endangered the country by exacerbating divisions, fragmentation, uncertainty and the risk of deadlock. However, he has never acted like the clear loser of this election, nor has he clearly accepted the principle of cohabitation (a term used in France when the president and prime minister come from opposing political camps). It is time for him to do so.
The rest of the responsibility lies with the political forces in Parliament. Those who claim to be ready to govern have had the summer to try and forge alliances beyond their own camps and attempt to build a majority that would impose itself on the president. None of them saw fit to do so, for fear of compromising themselves or lack of interest before the 2027 presidential election. Once again, Macron's attempt to build a coalition from the center left to the center right has failed. Consequently, the prime minister he must appoint without delay will face considerable challenges from the get-go.