Earlier this summer, the Biden administration announced it would be appointing the first chief diplomat for the Abraham Accords, Dan Shapiro. While there was talk he may have special envoy status, something that would have achieved rare bipartisan support with both Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-NY) and Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY) co-sponsoring legislation pushing for such a title, Shapiro was named a mere senior adviser , placing him deep in a chain of bureaucracy that affords him little to no real power.

Now, following the Hamas terrorist attacks that brutally slaughtered more than 1,400 Israelis on Oct. 7, all discussion on normalization in the region seems to have moved to the back burner.

Following the attacks, President Joe Biden has taken a morally courageous stand, announcing his full support for Israel’s right to defend itself and moving forward with needed military equipment to Israel. Likewise, members of the House and Senate have drafted resolutions to express unwavering support for Israel’s defense, and some have already begun drafting legislation to freeze funds previously released to Iran and to support Israel with additional equipment . The administration’s decision to send multiple high-level officials, including our secretary of state and secretary of defense , is a clear sign of that commitment and expresses a resolve that is rare in today’s political climate.

All of this is critical, commendable, and must continue. But if we want long-term support for Israel, we must also insist on the immediate appointment of Dan Shapiro as special envoy for regional integration.

It is clear that the progress made toward normalization with Saudi Arabia was a likely trigger for the massacre on Oct. 7. As the world becomes rightly focused on the ensuing war, it is vital we understand that winning involves not just the military eradication of Hamas but also the continued pursuit of normalization between the U.S.’s Middle Eastern allies.

The Abraham Accords, one of the most significant policy successes of the 21st century, helped set the stage for this normalization and have been widely lauded for their contributions to broader peace in the region. This is precisely why Hamas is so desperate to derail them. The continuation of the Abraham Accords is against the interests of Hamas because Hamas fundamentally rejects peace. Indeed, their very charter says of the peace process, “Initiatives, and so-called peaceful solutions and international conferences, are in contradiction to the principles of the Islamic Resistance Movement.” That is because, according to this same charter, “there is no solution for the Palestinian question except through Jihad.”

Equally importantly, the Abraham Accords are a vital counterweight to our adversaries Iran and China. China’s unexpected negotiation of a deal between Iran and Saudi Arabia was a strong indicator of China’s interest in being seen as a major peace broker in a region that, up until America’s retreat from Afghanistan, it had largely ignored . China’s goal to supplant America’s influence in the Middle East is challenged by America’s continued involvement in normalization discussions.

As far as Iran is concerned, there are few policies more odious to its influence operations in the region than one that sees a major power broker in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia, normalize relations with Iran’s sworn adversary, Israel.

That’s why Shapiro’s role is vital. Having served jointly as a deputy special representative in the Department of State and a deputy assistant secretary, I am all too aware of the added layers of bureaucracy when one does not have special envoy status. Serving as special envoy would give Shapiro the flexibility to operate outside the rest of the State Department discussions, which will largely center on the war and humanitarian aid. These discussions are central to ensuring a victory over Hamas, but Shapiro’s primary objective must be to lay the groundwork for long-term success while the rest of the department focuses on the threats immediately before us.

To preserve prospects for long-term peace, Shapiro could spend the war meeting with those nations that have already signed Abraham Accord agreements with Israel — Bahrain, Morocco, Sudan, and the UAE — and those who are part of the Negev Forum to maintain their commitments to normalization and ensure no backsliding. At the same time, he can and should work closely with Saudi Arabia to set the groundwork for a future agreement.

Make no mistake: normalization with Saudi Arabia cannot occur in the context of a major war with Hamas. But progress toward peace, and the prevention of a deterioration of the existing accords, absolutely can. With his long and accomplished career, both Democrats and Republicans can trust Shapiro to build on the successes of the Abraham Accords under the Trump administration and, importantly, serve the broader cause of stability in the Middle East.

Carrie Filipetti is the executive director of the Vandenberg Coalition and the former deputy assistant secretary and deputy special representative for Venezuela in the U.S. Department of State. She also served as senior policy adviser for the Middle East and counterterrorism for U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley.