Samantha Power, President Joe Biden’s administrator for the United States Agency for International Development, called genocide "the problem from hell" in her Pulitzer Prize-winning book. Ironically, the administration she serves now appears the most indifferent, if not friendly, to genocide in U.S. history.

Certainly, many previous administrations have much about which to be ashamed. Franklin Delano Roosevelt knew about Nazi death camps but chose not to bomb the railways that transported Jews there. However, he and his successor, Harry S. Truman , did end the regime that perpetrated the atrocities. Jimmy Carter bungled the response to the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, and Ronald Reagan did not allow Saddam Hussein’s chemical weapons attacks on Kurds to puncture his illusion that the Iraqi president was a moderate. Bill Clinton dropped the ball on Rwanda, though he did respond militarily to curtail mass slaughter in the Balkans. Barack Obama initially declined to use military force against the Islamic State when its use might have prevented the Yazidi genocide.

While Biden made "diplomacy is back" his mantra, his legacy might as well be "genocide is back." No administration has been so indifferent to genocide .

China’s assault on its Uyghur minority, for example, represents the largest, most systematic industrial genocide since the Holocaust. When China invaded Tibet, it destroyed more than 90% of that country’s historic monasteries. It now does similar to the Uyghur region’s ancient mosques and markets. Biden’s team apparently does not care. Climate envoy John Kerry lobbies against bans on goods manufactured by Uyghur slave labor, explaining to do so would impede his effort to win Beijing’s climate agreements, no matter how insincere the Chinese Communist Party might be.

Then, there is Afghanistan. Biden may try to blame others, and national security adviser Jake Sullivan, with his typical smug arrogance, quipped, "It had to come to an end." How wars end matters, though. While the American media focus on Afghan women and Afghan interpreters and special forces the United States left behind, the existence of the entire Hazara population is now at risk. Biden’s team is silent.

There is a pattern to American diplomacy in which administrations pursue a high-profile initiative, fail, and then embrace a "Hail Mary" initiative elsewhere to cement a legacy.

For Biden, Iran was the high-profile initiative, and resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute is Plan B. Too often, American diplomats seek to bully democracies because it is easier than forcing autocrats to compromise. True to form, Secretary of State Antony Blinken seeks to force Armenia to recognize Azerbaijani sovereignty over the ethnic Armenian enclave in Nagorno-Karabakh. The betrayal of the oldest Christian community in the Middle East is shocking. So too, will be the optics of forcing migration to Armenia’s Syunik province, given how forced migration characterized the initial Armenian genocide.

Reflecting that Biden’s team does understand genocide is the fact that 29 years after the Rwanda genocide, Blinken and Power refuse to acknowledge its anti-Tutsi character. Their logic is transactional: They demand Rwanda first make political concessions. Bargaining over historical reality is cruel. Washington’s failure to recognize the anti-Tutsi genocide also encourages genocide minimizers or deniers in Rwanda and elsewhere.

The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit perhaps exposed Biden’s complete indifference to the world’s worst crime. A single photo showed him laughing not only with Abiy Ahmed, who masterminded a starvation and slaughter that killed 500,000 , but also with Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari, an active participant in the original Biafra genocide. How many predecessors of either party would party with those complicit in genocide after the fact?

The problem with Biden’s record is not simply his aloofness to human rights but his team’s cynical normalization of genocide. Previous administrations erred, but when the error becomes the rule, there is no excuse.

Michael Rubin ( @mrubin1971 ) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner's Beltway Confidential. He is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.