


By targeting senior Iranian government and military officials, eliminating top nuclear scientists, and crippling critical components of the regime’s nuclear weapons infrastructure, Israel has forced the mullahs into a position they likely never imagined possible before the strikes. Through superior intelligence gathering and a meticulously executed military strategy, Israel has dealt a catastrophic blow to Iran’s nuclear ambitions.
Yet, much like a newt can regrow its tail after losing it to a predator, Iran’s regime may still attempt to rebuild its clandestine nuclear program — especially if its Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant remains intact.
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Built deep beneath a mountain, the Fordow facility is impervious to all but the most powerful American-made bunker-busting bombs. While some believe Israel may have the capability to destroy the complex, most assessments conclude the task remains beyond its reach and that only the U.S. can finish the job.
As PJ Media’s Stephen Green recently explained, “There is literally only one bomber and one bomb to make the big badda-boom that could destroy Iran’s last remaining nuclear enrichment plant from the air.”
According to Green, the weapon required for this operation is the American-made GBU-57 MOP, a 30,000-pound bunker-busting bomb. It can only be delivered by the B-2 Spirit, the U.S.’s heavy stealth bomber.
Israel’s relentless dismantling of Iran’s air defense network has granted it effective supremacy over the country’s airspace. There may never be a better moment to destroy the Fordow nuclear facility than right now. And the decision to help Israel complete the mission rests in the hands of President Donald Trump.
Since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, when Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini led the overthrow of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the U.S. has been engaged in a protracted shadow war with the Islamic Republic of Iran. In November 1979, shortly after Khomeini’s rise to power, a group of militant Iranian students stormed the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 66 American citizens hostage. Fifty-two of them were held for 444 days in what became a defining episode in U.S.–Iranian relations.
The hostages were ultimately released on Jan. 20, 1981 — just minutes after President Ronald Reagan was sworn into office.
Since then, Iranian leaders have repeatedly chanted “Death to America, Death to Israel” and vowed to wipe Israel off the face of the map.
In a November 2023 speech, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei proclaimed, “The situation between America and Iran is this: When you chant ‘Death to America,’ it is not just a slogan — it is a policy.”
The U.S. State Department first designated Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism in 1984 — a designation that remains in place to this day. The agency cites Iran’s support for proxy groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis. It was an Iran-backed group that carried out the 1983 Beirut Barracks bombing that killed 241 American service members.
Between 2003 and 2011, Iran or its proxies were responsible for the deaths of 603 U.S. troops in Iraq, according to Fox News. More recently, the regime has reportedly targeted Trump for assassination. But the Islamic Republic is best known for its relentless pursuit of a nuclear weapon, a dream it has come dangerously close to realizing.
Since the onset of Israel’s preemptive strikes, Iran’s leadership has oscillated between two extremes: appealing to intermediaries to broker new peace talks with the U.S. and issuing blustery threats.
After Trump called for Iran’s “unconditional surrender” on Tuesday, Iranian state media warned of a “surprise” that “the world will remember for centuries.” Frankly, if the regime had a surprise of that magnitude — such as a spare nuclear weapon to detonate over Israel or the U.S. — it likely would have deployed it by now.
Will Trump seize what may be the world’s best opportunity to prevent Iran’s theocratic regime from acquiring a nuclear weapon, one it might be reckless enough to use against Tel Aviv, Washington, or another major city? Or will he heed voices such as commentator Tucker Carlson’s and pursue a diplomatic deal with a regime that has shown little interest in honoring past agreements?
Trump has already approved an attack plan, but has not given a final order.
The president’s decision to act wouldn’t merely support a long-time ally. It would serve the broader interests of global security, including those of the United States. Far from launching a new “forever war,” as his critics claim, Trump would be bringing an end to a 47-year shadow war with the Islamic Republic of Iran. He wouldn’t be escalating conflict. He would be seizing the opportunity to eliminate a generational threat and reset the balance of power in the Middle East.
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Finally, a projection of U.S. military would send a powerful message to the dictators of the world. It could serve as a deterrent, prompting China to reassess the wisdom of invading Taiwan. A demonstration of hard power would also bolster Trump’s credibility in the eyes of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Though Israel’s weeklong strikes may have temporarily delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the problem remains. Sooner or later, a future U.S. president will confront the same — or an even worse — scenario. Why postpone the inevitable?
Elizabeth Stauffer is a contributor to the Washington Examiner and the Western Journal. She is also a Heritage Foundation Academy fellow. Follow her on X or LinkedIn.