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Sep 23, 2025  |  
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Brett Tolman


NextImg:Ending DEI programs means Americans win and bureaucracy loses

Diversity, equity, inclusion. These three words, commonly referred to as DEI, sound harmless, even virtuous. We all want everyone to be treated fairly. Unfortunately, DEI has become a shield for expensive, unfair, and often unlawful discrimination in federal hiring practices. 

DEI advocates often liken these policies to Title VI and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, but that comparison is misleading. Title VI prohibits discrimination in federally funded programs on the basis of race, color, or national origin. Title VII does the same in employment for race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. These landmark laws were clear, direct, and neutral: Judge merit, prohibit discrimination, and keep identity politics out of programs and employment.

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Nearly 60 years later, however, lawmakers and bureaucrats decided the existing protections weren’t enough. Under the banner of DEI, the definition of “discrimination” was twisted beyond recognition. Instead of protecting individuals from unequal treatment, DEI became a justification for imposing new mandates, expanding bureaucracy, and pouring billions of dollars into programs that often achieve little besides growing government payrolls.

In January 2021, President Joe Biden signed an executive order, “Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government.” This order effectively injected DEI with steroids across the federal bureaucracy. The order required every federal agency to submit a plan to “increase diversity” within its ranks. The reports that followed were filled with lofty rhetoric and bureaucratic jargon — using the word “underserved” nearly 90 times in an effort to legitimize massive spending. By lumping virtually every program under the umbrella of “equity,” the administration blurred the lines between real civil rights protections and unchecked federal spending sprees.

The result was shocking:

After Biden’s directive, federal DEI-related spending skyrocketed. In 2019, before Biden’s order, federal contracts for programs labeled “equity” amounted to about $193 million. This amount more than doubled immediately after the order in 2021. By 2024, spending exploded to roughly $96.2 billion —almost 500 times as much in just five years. All of this was undertaken with little or no oversight, no meaningful accountability, and no evidence that taxpayers were getting positive results. Prioritizing diversity quotas over merit isn’t just unfair — it’s expensive.

THE ‘DEEP STATE’ PROBLEM

In stark contrast, President Donald Trump signed an executive order “Ending Radical And Wasteful Government DEI Programs And Preferencing” on Jan. 20, 2025 — his first day back in office. The Department of Justice, the Office of Personnel Management, and the Office of Management and Budget were tasked with coordinating the termination of programs, contracts, and positions dedicated to diversity, equity, and inclusion throughout the federal government. In short, Trump moved to dismantle the DEI bureaucracy that had infiltrated the executive branch.

This was not an attempt to roll back civil rights protections — those remain firmly in place. It was an effort to restore accountability, end the weaponization of government, and ensure that taxpayer dollars aren’t spent without oversight. “DEI seeks to divide and pit Americans against each other based on immutable characteristics. President Trump put an end to it,” explained White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt. By some reports, “hundreds, possibly thousands” of federal employees dedicated solely to DEI were let go as a result. Yet, the federal government continued to function normally. Agencies still carried out their missions. Essential services remained in place. In other words, eliminating layers of DEI bureaucracy revealed just how unnecessary those programs had been all along. 

That lesson should not be ignored. Fair and equal treatment under the law is a constitutional right, not a government-funded program. Civil rights laws already prohibit discrimination based on race, religion, sex, or national origin. What DEI added was new layers of cost, paperwork, and mandates — while doing little, if anything, to promote true equality. A better path is simple: enforce Titles VI and VII, audit OPM programs, and end compelled ideology trainings and mandatory “diversity statements,” so hiring and promotions are based on skill and performance, not politics.

The DOJ, OPM, and OMB deserve credit for beginning to rein in these excesses. But the job is far from over. Despite Trump’s executive order, $22.2 billion in so-called “equity” spending is still baked into the 2025 federal budget. That money will have to be scrutinized and, where possible, redirected. It will fall to Attorney General Pam Bondi and other leaders to ensure that taxpayer funds are spent wisely and in ways that benefit all Americans, not funneled into programs that prioritize identity over merit. That’s how we restore law and order in government itself: accountability over bureaucracy, results over rhetoric.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE ‘REFORMING THE DEEP STATE’ SERIES

At its core, the DEI debate is not about whether discrimination should be tolerated. It should not, and our laws already reflect that. The real question is whether the federal government should continue to spend billions of dollars on programs that add bureaucracy without delivering results. The evidence is clear: DEI has become a costly distraction, not a solution. Reforming the deep state means replacing DEI offices with a merit-first, law-grounded civil service — one standard for everyone.

America does not need endless DEI offices and initiatives. We need a federal government that treats all citizens equally under the law, protects individual rights, and respects the taxpayer. That was the promise of the Civil Rights Act six decades ago, and it remains the standard we should uphold today.

Brett Tolman serves as chairman for American Justice at the America First Policy Institute. He previously served as a United States Attorney for the state of Utah and a federal prosecutor for over ten years.