With Eric Adams’ sudden exit from the New York City mayoral race, some moderates and conservatives cheered. The failed incumbent, plagued by scandals and sagging credibility, seemed to be the one figure whose presence was muddying the waters. But Adams’ departure does not solve the central problem facing New York. If anything, it makes it more urgent. Because the danger in this race has never been Adams—it has always been Zohran Mamdani.
Mamdani’s rise is no accident. His operation is powered by a grassroots machine, block captains, activists, and organizers who are determined to make him the AOC of New York City. The city’s far-left ecosystem sees this race as a chance to finally cement their hold on the nation’s largest metropolis. And unlike Adams or Cuomo, Mamdani doesn’t need to manufacture enthusiasm—it bubbles up from his base, mostly young, urban, and radicalized. Adams bowing out only strengthens that position.
Andrew Cuomo, meanwhile, remains flawed. His past scandals and tone-deaf leadership style haunt him. He alienated key constituencies and carries enough ethical baggage to sink most politicians. Yet he remains the one Democrat with the name ID and infrastructure to mount a citywide fight against Mamdani. The problem is, Cuomo cannot do it alone. Even with Adams out, he cannot consolidate enough independents, reform-minded Democrats, and Republicans to defeat a leftist with Mamdani’s ground game.
Enter Curtis Sliwa. Long before Adams quit, Sliwa was already outperforming him in polling against Mamdani. The Guardian Angels founder may not have the machine or the money, but he has credibility with outer borough voters, middle-class New Yorkers, and even some disaffected Democrats. He has consistently drawn support Adams could never reach. But the truth is, Sliwa’s ceiling may not be high enough to capture City Hall outright in a three-way contest.
That’s why a Cuomo–Sliwa unity ticket may be the only formula that makes sense. Picture Cuomo at the top of the ballot, bringing with him the resources, recognition, and nominal establishment support to stay competitive. Then add Sliwa—not as a rival, but as his designated “Deputy Mayor,” announced during the campaign. The two campaign together as a coalition ticket: Cuomo appealing to Democrats who can’t stomach Mamdani, Sliwa energizing Republicans, conservatives, and independents who otherwise wouldn’t show up for Cuomo.
The potential upside is enormous. First, it neutralizes the narrative that the anti-Mamdani coalition is divided. Instead, it becomes a story of unlikely allies uniting to save New York. Second, it gives skeptics of both men a reason to buy in. Conservatives distrust Cuomo, but they trust Sliwa. Democrats roll their eyes at Sliwa, but may grudgingly accept him in the deputy slot if Cuomo is at the helm. Third, it marries ground operations and donor networks, pooling strengths that individually cannot compete with Mamdani’s activist base.
Of course, such a ticket comes with hazards. Many Republicans may balk at swallowing Cuomo, seeing him as the embodiment of everything they despise about establishment Democrats. Some Democrats may see Sliwa’s presence as too much of a concession to the right. And the logistics of governing with a pre-negotiated power-sharing arrangement are complicated. Who controls staffing? Who sets the agenda? Could the arrangement survive more than one news cycle in the city that never sleeps?
Yet the risks pale in comparison to the alternative. A fractured field guarantees Mamdani the inside track. His momentum is organic, and unless the opposition consolidates, he will coast. Mamdani does not hide his agenda: free buses, rent freezes, government-run groceries, and an activist City Hall that serves as a launching pad for the far-left’s most aggressive ideas. This is not mere idealism; it is socialism tailored for America’s largest city.
If Mamdani wins, New York will become the test case for policies that were once considered fringe. Policing, zoning, education, finance—every lever of power will bend toward radical redistribution. Even if the experiment fails, the damage will endure. Investors will flee, small businesses will collapse, taxpayers will bolt for other states, and law enforcement will be paralyzed. The stakes are that high.
So while Cuomo’s flaws remain and Sliwa alone cannot win, together they may offer the one thing New York desperately needs: a fighting chance. A Cuomo–Sliwa ticket would not be neat, clean, or comfortable. But politics is rarely about comfort. It is about survival. And survival requires that the enemies of Mamdani—however different—find a way to lock arms and fight him with everything they have.
Adams’ departure has not taken us out of the woods. It has reminded us how dangerous the forest is. The fire at the tree line is real, and Mamdani is fanning it. The only objective that matters in this race is defeating him. Everything else—party loyalty, personal pride, political grudges—is secondary. Because if Mamdani wins, New York doesn’t just lose an election. It loses itself.
Editor’s Note: Zohran Mamdani is an avowed Democratic Socialist and has a real chance to become the next mayor of New York City.
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