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Joe Cunningham


NextImg:The One Big Beautiful Bill Passes the Senate: What Comes Next

The Senate has done it—barely. After a marathon vote-a-rama session that stretched into the early morning hours, Republicans squeaked through their version of Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill by the thinnest possible margin: 51-50, with Vice President JD Vance casting the deciding vote.

Three Republicans—Susan Collins of Maine, Thom Tillis of North Carolina, and Rand Paul of Kentucky—broke ranks and voted against their own party's signature legislation. That's not unity. That's a warning shot about what comes next. But here's what Washington doesn't want you to understand: this razor-thin victory is where the real fight begins.

READ MORE: Senate Votes on One Big Beautiful Bill - Finally

The Constitution requires both chambers to pass identical legislation before it reaches the president's desk. What the Senate just passed is not the same bill the House approved back in May. Not even close.

The House version would have added roughly $2.8 trillion to the deficit over ten years. The Senate version? We're looking at nearly $4 trillion. House conservatives have already said that they are not happy with the Senate version and they will be raising some serious objections. 

However, the House Rules Committee is already meeting and working to get the bill to the floor, which in and of itself may be a challenge.

Now comes the real legislative sausage-making. The House has three basic options:

  1. Accept the Senate version as-is and hold a new vote

  2. Demand a conference committee to hash out differences

  3. Send back amendments and ping-pong between chambers

Given the significant differences and the personalities involved, option two is most likely. That means appointing conferees, typically the top Republican leaders from both chambers, committee chairmen, and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, to negotiate behind closed doors.

But, Democrats can slow-walk this process through procedural motions. They can demand votes to "instruct conferees" on various provisions, eating up precious floor time. Trump wants this on his desk by July 4th. Every day of delay makes that deadline harder to meet.

When three Senate Republicans vote against their own party's marquee legislation, that tells you everything about the political dynamics ahead. Collins and Tillis, establishment Republicans from purple states, were clearly worried about the fiscal impact and political blowback. Rand Paul's "no" vote was pure fiscal conservatism: he's never met a deficit he wouldn't fight.

House Freedom Caucus members already think Senate Republicans are "profoundly unserious about spending," and that was before the Senate added another trillion dollars to the price tag while losing three GOP votes in the process. These are the same conservatives who nearly killed the bill in the House over Medicaid cuts and deficit concerns.

Rep. Chip Roy and others demanded $2 trillion in mandatory spending cuts as their price for supporting the original House bill. The Senate version moves in the opposite direction, increasing long-term costs while providing less aggressive spending reforms.

The political math is brutal: House Republicans can only afford to lose four votes. If a handful of conservatives look at Collins, Tillis, and Paul voting "no" and decide the Senate version is fiscally irresponsible, Speaker Johnson has a serious problem. When your own party needs the Vice President to break a tie in the Senate, it's hard to argue you have momentum going into House negotiations.

Johnson released a statement after the Senate version passed, saying, "The House will work quickly to pass the One Big Beautiful Bill that enacts President Trump’s full America First agenda by the Fourth of July." 

"The American people gave us a clear mandate," the statement continued, "and after four years of Democrat failure, we intend to deliver without delay."

Here's where legislative procedure meets political reality. The Senate parliamentarian struck several provisions from the bill under the Byrd Rule, which limits what can be included in reconciliation. Those provisions can't be restored in conference without 60 votes, meaning Democratic cooperation.

This creates a one-way ratchet: provisions can be removed but not easily added back. House Republicans who want stronger immigration enforcement or faster green energy tax credit phase-outs may find their priorities permanently weakened.

Most likely outcome: House Republicans demand a conference committee, fight for their spending cut targets, and accept some Senate compromises on tax provisions. But they'll use the narrow Senate margin as leverage, arguing that any further fiscal irresponsibility could lose even more Republican support. Timeline extends into mid-July, testing Trump's patience but producing a final bill.

Nuclear option: Trump personally pressures House Republicans to accept the Senate version wholesale, arguing that perfect shouldn't be the enemy of good. But the 51-50 vote actually weakens this argument. If Senate Republicans barely supported it, why should House conservatives embrace it? This risks conservative revolt and could fail spectacularly.

Breakdown scenario: Irreconcilable differences, amplified by the narrow Senate vote, force Republicans to abandon the "One Big Beautiful" approach and split priorities into multiple bills, which is exactly what Trump said he didn't want. The three Republican "no" votes give cover to House conservatives who want to start over.

This conference committee fight represents a larger tension within the Republican party between Trump's populist agenda and traditional conservative fiscal discipline. The House version tried to balance tax cuts with spending restraint. The Senate version chose political expedience over fiscal responsibility, and still barely passed.

For Louisiana voters who supported Trump's economic agenda, the question becomes: Is it better to get 80 percent of what you want quickly, or fight for 100 percent and risk getting nothing? The narrow Senate vote suggests even Republicans are divided on that question.

The next few weeks will test whether Republican unity can survive contact with the mathematical reality of governing. Trump demanded one big, beautiful bill. What he got from the Senate was a 51-50 squeaker that exposed deep fissures in his own party. What emerges from House negotiations could determine whether Republicans can actually govern or whether they'll fracture under the weight of their own promises.

Whatever emerges from this conference committee process will shape American fiscal policy for the next decade. Louisiana families deserve to understand exactly what's being negotiated in their name and what it will cost their children and grandchildren to pay for a bill that couldn't even unite the Republican Party.

The real work is just beginning.