Next week, President Trump will host South Korean President Lee Jae Myung at the White House for a bilateral summit to discuss matters relating to security, trade, shipbuilding, and technology.
This comes after President Trump struck a trade deal with South Korea last month, imposing a 15 percent tariff on South Korean products and no tariff duties on American products.
South Korea is a treaty ally of the U.S., a security partnership that dates back to the 1953 Mutual Defense Treaty, and remains a crucial part of Washington’s network in the Asia-Pacific. But the South Korea of today—under Lee, an anti-American, pro-China, pro-North Korea leftist—is fraught with issues that put South Korea’s democratic institutions and the U.S.-Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance at great risk.
Lee came to power in April through a rigged election. The election was held after President Yoon Suk Yeol—a pro-American, staunchly anti-communist leader—was removed from office for declaring martial law last year. Yoon was jailed based on politically motivated insurrection charges.
A White House official had the following to say about the South Korean presidential election:
While South Korea had a free and fair election, the United States remains concerned and opposed to Chinese interference and influence in democracies around the world.
The election was anything but fair, with lax ID laws, enabling foreign nationals to vote; mismanaged early voting; discrepancies between actual vote numbers and the information the National Election Commission (NEC) reported; pre-marked, shredded, and invalid ballots; and Chinese interference. The NEC has persistently failed to heed the warnings of the ROK’s National Intelligence Service regarding election vulnerability.
Yoon’s wife, Kim Keon Hee, was recently arrested on politically motivated charges and jailed. Reports have also surfaced about Yoon’s deteriorating health in solitary confinement due to officials denying him medical treatment—a grave human rights violation.
Under Lee’s direction, ROK officials recently raided the opposition People Power Party (PPP) headquarters as well as former Prime Minister Hwang Kyo-ahn’s newly formed Liberty and Innovation Party. Hwang is a conservative political figure who joined Yoon’s defense team.
These raids are part of a larger effort by Lee and his Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) to dismantle the political opposition and intimidate its supporters, with DPK lawmakers having drafted legislation in June that would facilitate the process of dissolving the PPP.
Lee also ordered the police to launch an investigation into a pro-Yoon, anti-CCP group known as Freedom University, summoning members for questioning. Lee sharply condemned these patriots protesting Chinese infiltration and defending their country’s sovereignty as far-right and hateful—identical to the tactics the CCP uses to silence regime critics abroad.
Similarly, an archer on the ROK national team will face disciplinary action after following right-wing accounts and criticizing the CCP on his social media.
These instances of censorship and political persecution come after a former Chinese ambassador called on Seoul to curb anti-CCP sentiment. Perhaps more disturbing is that Chinese state media and the Chinese ambassador to South Korea praised Lee’s announcement to investigate Freedom University.
All of these events have an uncanny resemblance to the 2020 U.S. presidential election and the political persecution targeting President Trump and conservatives that ensued.
But besides the troubling developments targeting South Korea’s political system, a number of Lee’s stances and actions put the future of the U.S.-ROK security partnership and Washington’s efforts to combat China in a predicament.
Lee is on record for making anti-American remarks, including referring to the U.S. military stationed on the Korean Peninsula as an “occupation force.” Lee is aiming to scale back military exercises along the North Korean border by reinstating the failed 2018 inter-Korean military agreement between the ROK and North Korea. His actions demonstrate his willingness to make cooperation with and respect for the North Korean dictatorship a top priority despite Pyongyang’s refusal to reciprocate.
In keeping with Lee’s weaponization of raids, ROK officials searched the jointly operated Osan Air Base and obtained sensitive information. Korean officials failed to gain approval from the U.S. military as required under the Status of Forces Agreement.
Lee has drawn criticism for his openly pro-China foreign policy views. He calls Beijing a “strategic cooperative partner” and stated that Seoul is not obligated to cooperate exclusively with the U.S. During a campaign rally, he dismissed the possibility of a full-scale Chinese invasion of Taiwan, also claiming that cross-strait relations have no bearing on the ROK’s national security. This is a departure from Yoon’s willingness to shift the ROK closer to the U.S.’s security priorities with regard to Taiwan.
The decision by Lee’s Ministry of Justice to grant residency status to ethnic Koreans from China illegally living in South Korea risks expanding Chinese espionage networks within a key U.S. ally, which would come with security ramifications for Washington.
And unlike Yoon, who did not miss a single meeting, Lee did not attend the NATO summit in June, citing domestic concerns and rising tensions in the Middle East. Lee’s absence could be seen as a move to appease Beijing and Russia.
During the summit in Washington, Lee will send a special envoy comprised of the National Assembly Speaker and DPK lawmakers to Beijing to reassure the CCP of his commitment to strengthening China-ROK bilateral relations.
Make no mistake, South Korea remains an important ally when it comes to countering China and projecting American power. However, Lee’s brazenly pro-China, anti-American actions erode South Korea’s democratic political system and undermine the strong alliance that Washington and Seoul have built since the Korean War—breeding unnecessary distrust when all countries in the region and beyond face the threat of an increasingly belligerent CCP.
It would not come as a surprise if Lee were to ease Seoul’s crackdown on illegal relabeling practices to appease Beijing—a decision that would have a negative impact on the Trump administration’s trade enforcement efforts, central to the America First agenda that seeks to isolate China economically.
It is crucial that President Trump directly address these and countless other concerns with Lee during the summit.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio is also strongly advised not to rule out taking measured action to pressure the Lee government.
South Korea is at great risk of becoming an authoritarian vassal state of the People’s Republic of China, alienated from the U.S. If the U.S. government turns a blind eye, the situation is set to worsen.
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