President Donald Trump sees his upcoming Alaska summit with Vladimir Putin as a “listening exercise” to obtain “a better understanding of how we can end this war,” the White House said Tuesday.

But if peace is his goal, Trump must do more than listen — he’ll need to show his negotiating mettle and impress upon the Russian autocrat that his maximalist demands will yield nothing but more death and economic destruction for Moscow.

Trump has already racked up an impressive peacemaking record, brokering deals between Pakistan and India, Thailand and Cambodia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, and Armenia and Azerbaijan.

But stopping the bloodshed in Ukraine would be an accomplishment that not even his critics could ignore — provided Trump doesn’t throw Ukraine and Europe under the bus in the process.

In Alaska, the Russian autocrat will seek to enlist Trump’s help in imposing Moscow’s hardline demands on Kyiv.

As his price for a cease-fire, Putin wants Ukraine to withdraw from territory Russia has been unable to take by force.

He then intends to extract a host of additional concessions, including permanent Ukrainian neutrality, in a final settlement.

Kyiv and European leaders have rightly rejected Russia’s demands, understanding that capitulation would only embolden Putin. On Friday, he will no doubt attempt to channel Trump’s ire back onto Ukraine, painting it as the intransigent party.

Trump mustn’t play into Putin’s hands. His leverage will be strongest if Washington, Kyiv and our European allies maintain a consistent, united front.

The administration has been coordinating with Ukrainian and European officials ahead of the summit, including in a Wednesday call between Trump, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and European leaders.

But Trump should consider going a step further by inviting Zelensky to Alaska  — despite Moscow’s refusal of a trilateral summit.

A separate meeting with Zelensky at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson prior to Trump’s sit-down with Putin would send a strong signal of unity.

When he meets with the Russian leader, Trump should firmly reject Moscow’s maximalist demands and insist that a cease-fire must come first — ahead of talks on territory and other issues.

Trump on Friday could push Putin for an “air truce” as an interim step, halting at least the missile and drone barrages on Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.

The current front line should be used to begin negotiations on potential land swaps, which must be reciprocal and mutually agreeable.

As a starting point, Russia could be asked to relinquish the territory it holds near the cities of Kharkiv and Sumy in northeastern Ukraine and to return control over the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant to Kyiv.

Trump should make clear that Moscow will get no say in Ukraine’s military posture or Western security assistance.

Once the war is over, Russia will have to accept a European “reassurance force” in Ukraine, including a ground component of perhaps 10,000 troops, as well as a monitoring force that operates intrusively on both sides of the line of contact.

The United States will not contribute troops to either force but should furnish the intelligence, targeting and logistics support that America is uniquely capable of providing.

But if Putin balks and continues to insist on his non-starter demands, Trump must convey his willingness to apply sustained pressure.

He’ll have to tell the autocrat that Russia remains on the clock to take meaningful steps toward peace — or else face renewed efforts to throttle its oil revenue and financial sector.

Trump has already penalized India over its purchases of Russian oil; China should be next. He should also comprehensively designate and enforce sanctions on Russia’s “shadow fleet” of oil tankers.

In addition, Trump should affirm that Ukraine will continue to receive American arms — and that these shipments will expand the longer Putin remains obdurate.

As soon as the summit ends, Trump should allow Europe to purchase long-range missiles from US stocks and deliver them to Ukraine, including additional ATACMS.

Ideally longer-range missiles, such as the JASSM-ER and Tomahawk that can strike military-industrial plants deep inside Russia, will follow.

For too long, Putin has used two-faced, duplicitous diplomacy to “tap us along,” as Trump has put it.

That must end now.

Putin won’t change his course overnight, and he is unlikely to abandon his decades-long obsession with keeping Ukraine in Russia’s sphere of influence.

But by staking out an aggressive position and showing Putin that continuing the war will gain him nothing but more trouble, Trump has a shot at convincing the Russian autocrat to at least stop shooting.

That would cement Trump’s growing legacy as a peacemaker — and could win him some Nobel hardware to boot.

Rear Adm. (Ret.) Mark Montgomery co-leads the Air and Missile Defense Program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, where John Hardie is deputy director of the Russia Program.