President Trump normally has an uncanny instinct for where his voters stand on any given issue — but his apparent tilt toward Russia in its war against Ukraine is one instance where his Spidey sense is off.

That means he is taking a serious political risk in his attempt to bring the war to a quick conclusion: If he doesn’t respect his voters’ general pro-Ukraine, anti-Russia leanings, he could divide his coalition and harm his position at home.

Two recent surveys confirm that Trump is right that his voters think the United States is sending too much aid to Ukraine.

An Economist/YouGov poll taken last week found that 52% of Trump voters want to decrease the amount of US military aid to the beleaguered nation, with only 8% wanting an increase and 22% wishing to maintain current levels of support.

A Pew Research Institute survey fielded in early February echoed those findings, with 47% of Republicans, including independents who lean Republican, saying the US is providing too much support for Ukraine.

If Trump was merely cutting back on US aid to Ukraine, he’d stand on firm political ground.

But his recent moves — particularly voting with Vladimir Putin on Monday against a UN resolution blaming Russia for wrongly invading Ukraine — do not rest on that foundation.

A supermajority of Trump voters in the Economist/YouGov poll either viewed Russia as an enemy (38%) or as unfriendly (37%) — while a majority saw Ukraine as either a US ally (13%) or as friendly (45%).

Trump thus has broken with his own supporters on this crucial question.

Trump voters also broadly sympathize with Ukraine in its conflict with Russia.

The Economist/YouGov poll, which asked this question directly, found that 49% of Trump voters sympathize with Ukraine while only 6% side with Russia (37% said they preferred neither belligerent).

Nor would they want Ukraine to give up some of its territory to obtain peace.

While 48% of Trump voters said they think Ukraine will have to cede at least some of its territory, 55% said they’d rather Russia controlled none of Ukraine at all.

Land for peace, the cornerstone of Trump’s putative deal, is not what his supporters want to see happen.

It may surprise Trump to learn that his voters also think more highly of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky than they do of Russia’s Putin.

Trump voters do narrowly dislike Zelensky — 36% percent hold a favorable view of him, versus 45% with an unfavorable view.

But they positively loathe Putin: 72% of Trump voters have an unfavorable view of the Russian dictator.

All this may shock left-leaning pundits who assume that GOP voters simply parrot whatever Trump says.

Perhaps his voters will fall in line in the weeks to come, but an alternate narrative might be more accurate: that Republicans and Trump-leaning independents do not blindly follow Trump, but form their own opinions on major issues.

And that could spell trouble for the president if he doesn’t heed their viewpoints.

These polls give ammunition to Republican advocates of a peace deal that preserves a genuinely sovereign Ukraine.

It’s one thing for Trump to gradually phase out US military aid to Ukraine in favor of increased European support — and quite another to sell the embattled country out to curry favor with a widely hated Russian autocrat.

Zelensky would be wise to take his case directly to Trump voters, reaching out to them via interviews on right-leaning news outlets and popular podcasts to explain why Ukraine deserves to be free.

Meanwhile, Trump should keep two things in mind as he navigates the upcoming peace talks.

First, he was elected to end inflation, restore economic growth and stop the invasion at our borders.

Ending the war in Ukraine, especially on terms overly generous to a murderous invading army, is not something his supporters prioritize.

He should also remember the fate of German Chancellor Angela Merkel.

She, too, thought placating Putin and tying her country’s economy to his would bring peace in our time.

Now her reputation lies in tatters, the casualty in part of her willful obliviousness to Putin’s nature.

Trump despises Merkel, and the feeling is mutual.

It would be more than ironic if the two end up in the same political back alley as a result of putting too much trust in the despot in the Kremlin.

Henry Olsen, a political analyst and commentator, is a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center.