President Trump’s peace plan for Gaza has opened with tremendous success, but challenges lay ahead. One of the truest truisms of war is the next war starts, or doesn’t, because of what is done after the war before.

This conflict will be no different.

Let’s start with the serious to-do list facing the administration — and let there be no doubt, the United States owns this one.

Step one, end Armageddon.

Few wars ended more badly than World War II: Most nations were flattened like flapjacks, and European GDP was measured in fractions. Tens of millions were displaced and homeless. Most countries teetered on starvation.

Yet the United States guided Western Europe past the worst of it. Even before the Marshall Plan kicked in in 1948, every Western European nation had a functioning government and enough food and coal to get through the winter.

The postwar planners called this the “disease and unrest” formula. If a country had an operating government, a modicum of security and public safety and no mass starvation or plague, people could get by.

That formula has proven near universal. Trump has to assemble a coalition of powers that can deliver that outcome in Gaza.

Step two, a better world.

If Trump wants to take Gaza off the table as the button that evildoers push when they want to destabilize the region, Gaza will need a resilient political structure immune from extremism, corruption and foreign manipulation; housing and reconstruction, a thriving economy that integrates well with Israel and a healthy civil society that grows more footballers than suicide bombers.

After the war in Europe, this was achieved in part through the Marshall Plan.

That, however, was a one-off that can’t be duplicated in Gaza, but Trump is going to need a Marshall-like figure to figure this out. Please, no Paul Bremer.

Step three, the need for speed.

Post-World War II reconstruction worked because Russia’s Josef Stalin was largely distracted with absorbing Eastern Europe until 1948, giving the US and its European allies time to get their act together.

Trump’s clock is about three years. He must get the course set before the end of his presidency, and before any malicious actor can put together a plan to stop him.

First, minding the meddlers — Hamas will likely not be threat No. 1.

The great danger will be outside actors who want the reconstruction of Gaza to fail.

Unlike after World War II, the US did not have a free lunch reconstructing Afghanistan and Iraq. The Taliban constantly harassed from Pakistan.

Meanwhile, Iran pumped up the violence in Iraq, paying zero price for messing up the post-war reconstruction effort. Trump will not only have to move fast, he will have to be willing to aggressively deter or punish any power that tries to mess with success.

Second, taming the global Intifada.

The globalized network of Jew haters and promoters of organized political violence, protest and terrorism are not going to take a timeout to enjoy the Bad Bunny Super Bowl halftime show.

They are going to reorient their global campaign to undermine the reconstruction effort. This global network

must be disarmed and demobilized.

Third, keeping the band together: Trump will have to invest a lot of time and effort in encouraging, supporting, empowering and — maybe occasionally — disciplining the coalition he’s formed to get the job done.

Why bother? Simple: This is so much bigger than Gaza.

Just like reconstructing Europe set America up to weather a long Cold War, peace in Gaza is a prerequisite for a cascading series of serious global changes that will make the world safe and secure for the United States, as well as its friends allies.

A good game in Gaza will get the Abraham Accords, Trump’s plan for normalizing Arab-Israeli relations, back on track.

Trump will be better able to broker good relations between Israel and Turkey.

A Gaza success will accelerate efforts to expand the zone of prosperity and stability through the South Caucuses and Central Asia, checkmating the expansionist aspirations of China, Russia and Iran in the region.

What’s not to like?

The real test for Trump will be pulling this off without deepening US military engagement, distracting from his domestic agenda, or burdening Americans with the cost of a reconstruction the nation can ill afford at present.

James Jay Carafano is an expert in national security and foreign policy.