The Supreme Court is set to issue its biggest rulings of the year this month, and plenty of billionaires will be watching. Some of their names are well known, like Donald Trump, Charles Koch and the Sackler family. Others, less so, such as the Searle family. Using tax filings, court records and other public documents, Forbes assembled a list of the most notable tycoons behind the trials.

The most powerful libertarian in America has long worked to limit the size of government, funding Republican candidates and partnering with Democrats on issues like criminal-justice reform. This Supreme Court session, Koch’s network of nonprofits is backing a group of herring fishermen opposing a policy requiring them to pay $700 per day to carry federal monitors on their vessels, who observe what they catch so the government has accurate estimates. If that sounds like a small thing, it isn’t: If the Supreme Court rules in favor of the fisherman, the case would overturn a landmark decision that empowers federal agencies to enact policies, even on issues where there are no specific laws. Koch has something to gain from a smaller administrative state. His business empire operates in highly regulated industries, including pipelines, chemicals and automotive manufacturing. Separately, Koch groups have filed more than a dozen amicus briefs this term urging justices to punish social media companies that go after conservatives and lift the ban on bump stocks for firearms.

A preacher’s son, Green built craft store Hobby Lobby into a multibillion-dollar retail chain, then used his fortune to promote Christian causes. One organization that has benefitted: Alliance Defending Freedom, a legal group that backed challengers in the landmark case that overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022. The organization, which is financed by at least two nonprofits that Green supports, is back at the Supreme Court this year with additional abortion challenges. One case, FDA v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, unsuccessfully sought to restrict access to the abortion drug mifepristone. Another, Moyle v. U.S., will determine whether hospitals in states outlawing abortions must still conduct abortions in emergency situations.

The federal government is challenging a bankruptcy settlement Purdue Pharma reached in 2022 with the thousands of individuals, states and institutions suing the company and Sackler family, which made billions selling opioids across the country. Members of the Raymond and Mortimer Sackler families stand to pay victims $6 billion as part of the deal. They would also be shielded from further civil liability, however, which the federal government argues would save them from paying potentially trillions more in additional legal costs.

Late patriarch Daniel C. Searle spun a fortune from the pharmaceutical industry into the Searle Freedom Trust, which has become one of the biggest private foundations supporting conservative causes in the country. Among the groups the trust supports is the New Civil Liberties Alliance, which gets roughly 10% of what it spends on litigation from the trust and has brought three cases to the Supreme Court this term. One challenges federal agencies’ power (Relentless v. Department of Commerce). Another questions the prohibition on bump stocks for firearms (Garland v. Cargill). The third opposes the Biden administration contacting social media companies and asking them to remove misinformation (Murthy v. Missouri). It’s all part of a broader mission to oppose government regulation—and fits the Searle Freedom Trust’s aim of promoting “individual freedom and economic liberty.” The foundation plans to shutter at the end of 2025.

Qualcomm co-founder Irwin Jacobs, a former billionaire, is the benefactor behind the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)’s Supreme Court efforts. Jacobs (along with his wife Joan, who died in May) gave the organization $20 million in 2022 to fund its Supreme Court activities for the next four years, citing the ACLU’s work on protecting democracy and civil freedoms, which is part of a broader pledge they made to give away the majority of their wealth. The ACLU’s focus on protecting civil liberties has made it a darling on the left, but now it is backing the National Rifle Organization in court. The gun rights group fought a New York regulator’s warning that other groups shouldn’t do business with the organization—and ultimately prevailed. While the ACLU has acknowledged it doesn’t support the NRA as an organization, it insisted the case fits in with the ACLU’s mission, ensuring public officials can’t punish organizations based on their political views.

Hedge fund manager Paul Singer chairs the Manhattan Institute, a right-wing think tank that has become a frequent presence on Supreme Court dockets. The institute has filed seven briefs in major cases this term, weighing in on cases about taxes (Moore v. U.S.), abortion (Moyle v. U.S.), bureaucracy (Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo) and guns (Garland v. Cargill), among others. Tax filings show Singer has given the institute $3.4 million since 2020. The billionaire has recently come under scrutiny because of reports that Justice Samuel Alito traveled with Singer on his private jet for a luxury fishing trip. (Alito denied any wrongdoing, and a spokesperson for Singer told ProPublica that the billionaire didn’t organize the trip and wasn’t initially aware Alito would be there, and claimed they did not discuss anything related to the court.)

Former President Donald Trump is before the Supreme Court this term, but unlike other billionaires, he doesn’t seem to be paying for anything himself. Instead, his donors are picking up the tab. Save America, a political action committee for Trump, has paid more than $10 million to the three law firms helping Trump try to dismiss his federal charges for trying to overturn the 2020 election. (The lawyers are also working on other Trump cases as well.) His 2024 campaign also paid lawyers who successfully argued Trump couldn’t be removed from Colorado’s ballot.