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May 31, 2025  |  
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Scott McKay


NextImg:Donald Trump Backs Mike Johnson. Here’s Why the Rest of the GOP Must Follow Suit.

On Thursday morning, Melissa Mackenzie called me and suggested that we talk about Mike Johnson in one of the segments of next week’s Spectacle Podcast.

My reaction was that I didn’t want to.

Of course, I’m doing it anyway, here in this column and next week when we pop out The Spectacle. But I go reluctantly.

Why? Well, as regular readers of this column know, Mike is a personal friend of mine. He has been for a long time. I know him to be a very good conservative, one of the best in Congress. He’s a man of principle and, if he had the means to truly make policy, he would be very much be the revivalist figure America needs in leadership.

And I can say this out of far more than mere personal feeling. Because, as regular readers of this column know, Mike Johnson wrote the foreword to my book The Revivalist Manifesto: How Patriots Can Win The Next American Era. That was well before he became House speaker. And, after he won the speakership, CNN used my book to trash Mike Johnson as a friend of racists, homophobes, and conspiracy theorists (like me, apparently).

Which ended up selling a lot of copies of The Revivalist Manifesto.

The point being that Johnson believes not just in trying to preserve our corrupt status quo but in bringing back an America that was prosperous, successful, sustainable, and dominant on the global stage. I believe this, and I believe it’s borne out in his words and, when he’s able, his deeds.

But the “when he’s able” part of this is the rub. And it’s why I know I’ll be accused of shilling for Mike when I write or talk about him in a supportive way, and that’s why I’m reluctant to address this subject.

It’s impossible to be an effective speaker of the House when you have a majority as small as Mike Johnson’s majority is. Utterly impossible.

I noted this at The Hayride on Thursday after a bill to renew the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act failed due to conservative opposition, which was seen as a blow to Johnson:

A Speaker’s job is to make a majority, particularly on “must-pass” bills like the federal appropriations instruments. Arguably, the FISA renewal is such a bill.

Johnson has members of his caucus who are either RINOs or who represent swing districts. It’s hard to get them to come aboard for strong conservative reforms, for a couple of reasions: first, any such reforms are dead on arrival in the Democrat-dominated Senate, not to mention they’d be vetoed by Joe Biden if they made it that far. For those congressmen, there’s nothing but downside to voting for those reforms: they aren’t going to be making policy, so they’re not actually changing anything, plus they’re now going to get attacked by Democrat special interest groups for having backed those reforms.

In a House majority with 240 members, let’s say, Johnson could simply excuse a few of those members to vote with the Democrats because he could bleed some votes and still pass the bill. He doesn’t have that freedom now.

This means that Mike Johnson isn’t in the business of passing conservative legislation. He’s reduced to trying to pass moderate legislation because it’s a better alternative than passing leftist legislation – or passing nothing and getting trashed for grinding the House of Representatives down into dysfunction.

Most conservatives would be perfectly happy to see the latter – including the grand spectacle of a government shutdown. The problem is, we’re not in the majority with such an opinion. Generally, voters think government shutdowns are a sign of incompetent governance and they generate negative political results.

Which Johnson can’t afford, because virtually any sort of Democrat success in November will make Hakeem Jeffries the House Speaker. And as it stands, Marjorie Taylor Greene has a motion to vacate the chair hanging over Johnson’s head on the right, so he could lose his speakership in one of two ways.

This is the reality staring Johnson in the face.

I think Johnson was wrong to bring a FISA renewal bill that didn’t have a requirement of a warrant for surveillance of Americans. My hope is that when he brings that bill back up next week, such a requirement will be present, and at that time hopefully it will pass.

Not because I believe FISA renewal is vital to our national security. I think the FBI and CIA ought to be broken up and made much smaller, and powers granted to them under laws like FISA should be greatly curtailed until such time as the law enforcement and intelligence agencies that might replace the FBI and CIA can be shown to be worthy of such powers.

But there is no congressional majority for that kind of reform. And that’s Johnson’s problem. He has no ability to make that kind of policy. All he can do is to try to make good — or, at least, not awful — policy along the margins. Because that’s what he can sometimes make a majority for. And apparently there are some reforms in the FISA renewal bill. Adding a requirement for warrants would mean at least incremental positive change.

It’s an impossible job. Johnson can’t really be judged until he has a working majority. He needs 20 more votes. And while this should be an election cycle in which those might be had in November, the larger question is whether Johnson can even hold on until then. This arising, of course, from the motion that Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene filed against Johnson some weeks ago.

But now it looks like Johnson is getting some wind added to his sails thanks to another personal friend of his, Donald Trump:

Former president Donald Trump is set to appear with Johnson at an “election integrity” event at his Mar-a-Lago resort Friday — a joint event that hints at a burgeoning but tentative alliance between the two powerful Republicans.

The upshot: Trump world isn’t happy with Greene’s threat to throw the House GOP into chaos once again. There’s a fear that an election-year speakership battle will undercut the party’s goals of keeping the House and flipping the White House and Senate.

“One hundred percent distraction. Unwanted. And just stupid,” one Trump insider said Wednesday night. “We’re not going to get trapped into this cycle of bullshit that comes out of members of the House.”

“It’s fair to say we don’t think she’s being constructive,” another person close with Trump said about Greene. “The internal fighting is not appreciated by [Trump].”

Those around the former president are growing weary of the constant motion-to-vacate threats, that person added: “It’s no way to run a party; it’s no way to run a House. You can’t work in that environment.”

The larger concern is that Johnson’s removal would create a power vacuum at a time when unity is essential and coordination between the Trump campaign and the speaker’s political operations is starting to tighten.

For one, senior Trump adviser Chris LaCivita has been in close touch with Billy Constangy, Johnson’s top political operative who has worked alongside LaCivita in the past. Hayden Haynes, Johnson’s chief of staff, met recently with members of Trump’s team, and there’s talk about launching regular meetings between the Trump campaign and Johnson’s operation, as well as the RNC, NRCC and NRSC.

Team Trump is beginning to take on something of a pragmatic approach to politics that isn’t universally positive. While Trump wasn’t wrong per se in declaring abortion a state issue, and while he can’t win the 2024 election if the Democrats are allowed to make it a national referendum on “reproductive freedom” or “women’s healthcare” (the euphemisms for infanticide truly are nauseating, aren’t they?), his announcement to that effect has certainly demoralized many in the pro-life community. (READ MORE: On Abortion, Trump Has Gravely Erred)

And perhaps Trump’s throwing in with Johnson might demoralize some as well.

But Trump’s camp is definitely correct that strengthening the Republican House speaker in advance of an effort to build a true working majority under him is a necessary project for a successful administration beginning in January of next year. And there is nobody available at present who can replace Johnson.

This is essentially a pre-speakership for Johnson. Team Trump recognizes that.

It would be nice if conservatives across the country recognized it as well.

And it would be even better if Johnson were able to repay that confidence with a wide array of populist, decentralizing, revivalist conservative reforms flowing through the House starting in January.

That scenario alone won’t save the republic. But it can’t be saved without that as a start.

Trump sees it. That’s why he’s acting to save Johnson. And it’s why he’s right to do so.

READ MORE:

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