Beneath President Trump’s bold and often unpredictable tariff strategy lies a golden opportunity: to co-opt labor unions into his America First vision. It’s a move that would not only benefit American workers but could help revitalize a faltering middle class and redefine the social contract while driving Democrats up the wall by weakening one of their traditional strongholds.

A labor union revival would be a dramatic departure from the GOP’s traditional stance. But Trump, still buoyant from his second-term victory, has never shied away from flipping conventional Republican positions -- particularly when it lets him outmaneuver opponents. Such reversals, drawn from a position of strength, are a hallmark of consequential leaders. Think of Rome extending citizenship to its allies, Napoleon signing a concordat with the Pope, or Bismarck undercutting socialists with progressive reforms.

So why labor unions? Because they once powered the American middle class -- and could again.

From 1940 to 1980, an unlikely alliance between labor and government helped create an era of unprecedented prosperity, job security, and civic participation. That surge in upward mobility -- particularly for manufacturing workers -- was built on New Deal foundations that gave workers both a stake and a voice in the economy.

But over the past four decades, that foundation has crumbled. The American middle class, defined as the middle 60% of income earners, accounted for 52% of earnings in 1980; today, it’s just 43%. Worker productivity has surged by over 60%, but wages have barely kept pace with inflation. Meanwhile, costs for housing, healthcare, childcare, and education have skyrocketed -- college tuition alone has jumped 1,200%.

The reasons are manifold: globalization, automation, digital disruption, the evolution towards a service economy, and the explosion of gig work. But a major turning point came in the 1980s, when corporate America turned aggressively anti-union. Wall Street’s fixation on short-term gains led to offshoring, mergers, and union-busting. Union membership plunged from 35% in the 1950s to just 10% by 2023 -- and only 6% in the private sector.

Defenders of shareholder primacy may not mourn that decline. But for American workers, especially those at the lower end of the pay scale, there’s little cause for optimism. The rise of AI and continued automation threaten white-collar jobs once thought immune. Many younger Americans see work as insecure, unrewarding, and exploitative.

Revitalizing labor unions offers one path to reverse that trajectory. Their past achievements didn’t stop at wage hikes. Unions brought about employer-sponsored healthcare, pensions, paid vacations, and safer workplaces. These gains fueled a consumer-driven economy, reduced inequality, and enabled widespread homeownership and college access.

Equally important, unions once served as hubs of civic life, offering training programs, sports leagues, social events, and a sense of shared identity. They tethered companies to communities and workers to industries. In today’s fractured, low-trust society, that social glue is sorely missed.

Reimagining unions for the 21st century won’t be easy. It will require forward-thinking legislation, incentives for long-term profitability and employee equity, and a new kind of collaboration between labor and management. Key issues will include protections for gig workers and independent contractors, benefit portability, safeguards for workers managed by AI, and creative solutions for remote and freelance employment.

But unions must meet this moment, too. Their decline wasn’t only due to external forces. After WWII, instead of expanding into growing sectors like healthcare, retail, and tech, many unions focused narrowly on preserving existing gains. Bureaucratic, top-heavy, and occasionally marred by corruption, unions lost credibility with workers and the public.

To reclaim relevance, labor must modernize and reconnect with a rapidly evolving workforce. That includes organizing younger workers, addressing workplace tech challenges, and rebuilding trust with the rank-and-file.

A rejuvenated labor movement could also help revitalize skilled trades -- fields like plumbing, electrical work, and construction -- that remain essential to rebuilding America’s crumbling infrastructure. Through partnerships with schools and local governments, unions could help restore these paths to economic security. President Trump’s suggestion to redirect $3 billion in federal funding from elite universities to trade schools is in perfect alignment with this logic.

Trump’s first term featured a mix of pro-worker and anti-union policies. His renegotiation of NAFTA into the USMCA included stronger labor protections and wage parity. Yet his administration also opposed the PRO Act and backed union-unfriendly rulings at the National Labor Relations Board.

Now, with a second term secured, Trump has a rare chance to define a lasting legacy. With characteristic boldness -- and perhaps a well-timed break from GOP orthodoxy -- he could launch a sweeping initiative, one that combines legislation, tax incentives, federal grants, and presidential persuasion to make American workers true partners in national economic renewal.

That means tying innovation to upskilling, linking corporate profits to employee gainsharing, and ensuring that working Americans once again feel a sense of upward mobility and national purpose.

In doing so, Trump wouldn’t just be burnishing his America First credentials -- he’d be reshaping America’s future. Rebuilding the middle class. Repairing the country’s social fabric. Restoring faith in the American dream.

That’s not just good politics. It’s leadership.

Image: White House